Tortoise express

Lately, I’ve quite often found that email arrives in my inbox after spending sometimes up to almost 24 hours dawdling around on the BU mail servers. Although it is true that I’m also drowning in email and don’t always respond immediately, it is not impossible that I simply haven’t received your email yet. Kind of frustrating, but also not much that can be done about it. So, just so you know, this makes it even less of a good idea to send me questions about, e.g., homework assignments just a few hours before the homework is due.

See you at 12:30

I seem to have confused a couple of people with my previous post. Class will be tomorrow at the usual time. The usual time, however, is an hour more distant from last week’s class than it is most weeks, due to the conclusion of Daylight Saving Time. :p

BUCLD focus

I promised this a while ago, but here are a few selected talks from this weekend’s BUCLD that might contain some recognizable terminology. This list is not exhaustive, though. Most of these talks and posters will have some aspects that are unfamiliar, but I’ve picked out ones that I think at least you’ll have heard something about the basic topic. No guarantees, though. It doesn’t appear that there are any talks directly about the acquisition of focus.

I may come back and annotate these a little bit more. For the moment, I’ll just post these as they are. This was kind of a rush job so I could at least post something, sorry. I will also try to come back and verify the rooms that they’re in.

Friday

  • B 9:00 Tense and Truth in Children’s Question Answering
  • A 2:00 Perception and weighting of prosodic boundary cues in eith-month-old German infants
  • !B 2:00 The role of islands in processing English as a second language
  • C 5:15 6–9 year olds use prosody to resolve temporary syntactic closure ambiguity
  • Poster: Lexical alternatives improve 5-year-olds’ ability to compute scalar implicatures
  • Poster: Seven-month-old English learners can discriminate declaratives and interrogatives
  • Poster: Ad-hoc scalar implicature in adults and children

Saturday

  • B 9:30 L1-Korean L2er’s sensitivity to Givenness in the English dative alternation
  • !C 11:00 Bilingual language synthesis: Evidence from wh-questions in bimodal bilinguals
  • C 2:15 Conversational implicature in 3- to 8-year-old children
  • C 2:45 Semantic and pragmatic meaning of the existential quantifier some in second language acquisition
  • Poster: Conjunction, disjunction and negation in second language acquisition: A study of L2 English and Japanese
  • Poster: Acquisition of discourse constraints on the use of Japanese null pronouns
  • Poster: Interpretation of scope ambiguity by Korean-speaking learners of English: the case of numerically quantified NPs and negation
  • Poster: The role of prosody in thematic role disambiguation in L2 Korean

Sunday

  • B 9:30 Let’s disambiguate sentences together: What children know about the semantics of together, and where pragmatics steps in

HW4 notes

So, the class ended without my really having time to say much about the homework that I’d thrown together (at great expense and at the last minute).

Mostly, what I had in mind is outlined on the homework assignment itself, but I did want to say something more about the binding test, since it’s actually a pretty useful test for syntax and semantics.

The basic idea is that if you have a quantifier like every girl and a pronoun somewhere lower in the tree like her, there is an interpretation under which the referent of her kind of takes each girl in turn. So, in something like Every girl finished her homework, the meaning of this is that any given girl finished her own homework, and this is true for all the girls. (There is an irrelevant interpretation where you point at, say, Mary, and the sentence means that every girl finished Mary’s homework, but we don’t care about that interpretation. We only care about the interpretation where “her varies with the girls”).

There are a couple of things that this kind of test is useful for, in terms of identifying relationships in the syntactic structure (since, it turns out, that you can only get this interpretation if the quantifier is higher in the tree than the bound pronoun), but what I want to focus on specifically is the ability of a bound pronoun to rule out quotations.

If you say something like “John said Mary left”, this could mean either that John said something that communicated the proposition that Mary left, or that John said exactly the following words: “Mary left.” The latter interpretation involves a quotation.

When we are embedding one sentence inside another in Japanese, we don’t know from the outset for sure whether the embedded clause is a quotation or not. What I want you to test for in the homework is whether an embedded clause can have a topic or a focus, but we need to make sure that the test sentence doesn’t just contain a quotation (since of course a quotation can have a topic and/or a focus).

The kind of test I have in mind is not entirely dissimilar to using the pronoun I as the subject of an embedded clause. If you say “John said I left” then the interpretation where it is John who allegedly left involves a quotation (John said exactly these words: “I left”), and the interpretation where I am the one who is alleged to have left, then it is a regular embedded clause.

So what I have in mind for the homework is that you create sentences with a topic, or a focus (using the methods I suggested there, “As for X…” or “It is X that…”) that also contains a pronoun that is bound by a quantifier in a higher clause you embed the sentence into. That is, an example of this without topic or focus would be “Every girl said (that) she left.” If this is interpreted as meaning that any given girl said that she herself left, then she is a bound pronoun (bound by every girl) and the embedded clause cannot be a quotation. (Incidentally, it already probably can’t be a quotation if you use the word that when embedding, but never mind that, it’s more interesting to create the full test with bound pronouns.)

Two further things: It might not be simple to create natural-sounding examples, even if we conclude that it is possible to have embedded topics and foci, but I don’t think it will be that challenging. And, I have also violated the cardinal rule of homework assignments, which is that I have handed this out without working out the answer myself, so there might conceivably be some unseen snag you’ll run up against, but I hope not.

Ultimately, the idea here is really to test the plausibility of the idea that topic/focus “articulation” of a sentence is something that can’t really exist in an embedded clause. So, if you can’t find any examples that work well, then perhaps you have shown that embedded clauses can’t have topics/foci. And if you can find reasonable examples, then you will have shown that embedded clauses can have topics/foci. At least in English, but also in principle.

Yeah, I know

I only realize now, 10pm on the day before Thursday (aka Wednesday) that I never posted the Tomioka paper that I said we’d be looking at tomorrow. It’s there now, if you wish to get an advance look at what we’ll be talking about and have the time between now and then, go ahead. But I won’t assume that you’ve all read it.