Readings

Hi, sorry I was slow to get the readings up. There are kind of a lot of readings up for this coming week. Primarily, it’s the Fox & Pesetsky (2005) article and the Johnson (2002) paper, but the Fox & Pesetsky article also has some response articles and a reply to those responses that might be worth looking at, time permitting. The issue that the Fox & Pesetsky paper appeared in also had a second target article, and some of the responses address both. I put three responses to look at on the readings page to look at, but you can of course browse around and look at the rest. The main thing is to read the target article, though.

No class on March 3

SnowfownIn the unlikely event that people see the blog before they see the email I sent out to everybody about this: Due to the snow,

CLASS IS CANCELED FOR MARCH 3.

I’m working on trying to reschedule it for a coming Thursday, so if you haven’t seen that email, let me know whether you’d be able to make it on both the Thursday before spring break (this coming Thursday) and the one after spring break, and I’ll try to optimize the rescheduled class.

For the homework that would have been due tomorrow, you can just wait and give it to me whenever we next meet.

HW5: What c-commands what?

There is a problem in the statement of the system you’re to be considering for Question 2 on HW5. It just doesn’t work as stated, so if you’re having trouble figuring it out, this might be why.

There are two ways that I could fix this, they’d each be equivalent for the purposes of this problem. One would be to suppose that the structure isn’t exactly as it is drawn in (3), but rather has Q (or, perhaps “QP”) adjoined to the wh-phrase. Another is to suppose that my statement of the conditions under which the single-pair and pair-list reading weren’t quite right. I think for the present purposes, I will fix it using the latter approach.

What I’m going to do here is say that it is equivalent to be c-commanded by Q itself or to be c-commanded by QP. So, replace the text above Question 2 with the following:

Now, the correlation between the interpretation that a question can get and the eventual structural position of Q is as follows:

  • If both wh-words are c-commanded by either Q or QP, a single-pair reading results.
  • If just one wh-word is c-commanded by either Q or QP, a pair-list reading results.

That’s a fairly elaborate system, although some of it is justified on grounds we’re not covering here now (but will get to next week). To review:

  • Q must attach to a wh-word.
  • Q must move to C (and prefers to ride along with a wh-word to SpecCP).
  • Q will attach to the lower wh-word if it can.
  • Single pair = both wh-words are c-commanded by Q or QP; pair-list otherwise.

I think that should at least make it possible to get to the conclusion I was thinking of when I wrote the problem up.

A couple more homework notes

A couple of things I think might be worth saying as I’m reviewing the homework I gave out.

First, as I pointed out in class, the leadup to the last problem in the homework (having to with the “disturbing alternative derivation”) refers to a paper by Fox & Pesetsky that we haven’t read, although I don’t think that should harm your ability to do the problem, since it explains what is meant at the same time.

Second: This homework is fairly solidly cast in terms of the more recent Minimalist syntax in a couple of ways. So, for people who didn’t “grow up with” Minimalist syntax, let me just highlight a couple of things.

At the bottom of p. 2: “Lastly, we’ll assume that Q is introduced as soon as possible as the tree is built up.” This is to be thought about in the context of trees being built from the bottom up, by taking things and linking them together to form constituents (which can then be linked to other things, etc.). E.g., you take the verb see and the pronoun him and put them together to form the VP see him, and then continue on. So, generally, “sooner” is the same as “closer to the bottom of the tree.”

On the problem concerning the “Russian doll” questions, part of this hinges on what a trace actually is. As a reminder (I think this has come up briefly in class a couple of times), the normal view in the 80s was that a trace was really something like a t, a little silent thing that had no particular internal structure, just possibly an index to link it to the thing it is a trace of. One of the things that was introduced (or, perhaps, re-introduced from a long, long time ago) in the original Minimalist Program paper was the idea that the trace of “movement” is not really a trace, but rather just another copy of the thing that moved. This way, we don’t need to have any kinds of rules about how to create traces; moving something is just about attaching (usually “Merging”) a new copy into a higher position in the tree. Then, a “trace” is just something that is c-commanded by a copy of itself.

Thus, (8) on the homework handout. Kolki studenti po kakvo ot Bulgaria is moved, by which we mean it is put into SpecCP. It remains where it was before moving as well, but it isn’t pronounced because it is c-commanded by a copy of itself (this is indicated by the strikethrough).

One of the things I’m trying to encourage you to ponder is the question of what happens to the lower copy/trace. The point of (9) is to highlight the fact that if you have to move two wh-words, the second one will presumably have to move past the trace of the first one, meaning that the trace of the first movement must be somehow “invisible” to the movement operation. It’s laid out perhaps a bit more perspicuously in (10).

I throw around some “checking” and “feature” terminology at this point. Remember this: C needs wh-words, and it is the drive to satisfy this need that forces wh-words to move. One way to say “C needs a wh-word” is to say that “C has a feature that needs to be checked” (where it is understood that moving a wh-word is what is necessary to “check the feature,” i.e. to satisfy the need C had). The “Agree process” referred to under (10) is basically the process of C “looking for a wh-word” to solve its problem. It looks down the tree until it finds something with the property of being a wh-word (That is, having a [wh] feature) and when it finds that thing it “Agrees” and forces movement of the wh-word into SpecCP. C basically “attracts” wh-words.

Under (11) I say “We need to assume something like what Fox & Pesetsky assumed,” though you don’t have any way to know what that is, since we haven’t read that paper yet (though I hope to get to it). The point there is just this, though: We can think about this process of movement as being one where you find something in the tree, make a copy of it, and attach the copy higher in the tree. That’s how I’ve been talking about it so far. Another possibility is something a bit harder to draw, though, which is that you don’t make any copies, but rather just take the thing you found and attach it to another point in the tree. If you do this, the constituent that is undergoing “movement” now basically has two different parent nodes (the one it started under, and the one it ended under). The difference is subtle.

I think this problem might end up being a bit hard, whether you were familiar with feature checking beforehand or not. Give it a try though, we can talk about it in class.

What to read in the Boskovic paper

Ok, I’m late on this, but having had a closer look at the Boskovic paper for next week, I have concluded the following: This paper is dense enough with things that are going to be unfamiliar and difficult that I think we can limit the primary discussion to the parts before section 2.2 (pp. 351-364), and you can look at the summary concluding section on pp. 379-380 as well.

There are some issues that come up in the parts I’m recommending skipping, having to do with how movement and pronunciation interact, but this is also something I hope to come back to in a later week.

I also think I should have reversed this coming week and the week after. I’m pretty certain that we will be reading the Pesetsky (1987) paper that both of this coming week’s papers refer to in that following week. I guess if you want to read ahead, that’s an option.

Some notes on background concepts

While reading the Rizzi articles, you will come across a couple of things that you probably aren’t familiar with, although the papers assume that you are. Let me just add a couple of notes here concerning things that I’ve been asked about over email. I may add further notes of this sort as I get further emails.

1. What’s the deal with topic and focus?

There’s an overview article (de Swart & de Hoop 1995) that is pretty accessible. No need to read all of it, but if you’re feeling totally lost and want to have something to look at, that might be worth taking a look at. It’s listed among the related readings on the readings page for the coming week.

Topic and focus pertain to how a sentence fits into the surrounding discourse. A sentence may have a topic, and a sentence may (some say must) have a focus. The topic situates the sentence with respect to the discourse that has come before, and the focus marks new information being added to the discourse by the sentence. That is: topic is “old information” and focus is “new information.”

Languages will sometimes mark topics and foci using syntactic movement. Hungarian is famous for doing this. Catalan also does something like this. In general, when topics and foci move around, the topic seems to come first, followed by the focus, and then the rest of the sentence. Rizzi is concerned with these syntactic movements, particularly the landing sites for these movements and the properties of the movements. Are these movements like wh-movement? Do they land in the same place wh-words do? (Do they compete for the same position if you had both in a sentence?)

For the purposes of reading the article, you can probably think of topics and foci as being fairly analogous to wh-words. You mark something in the sentence as being a “topic” or as being a “focus” (like you would mark something as being a “wh-phrase”) and then a syntactic operation moves the marked thing up the tree.

In Rizzi’s interpretation of these things, the syntactic position that something appears in actually feeds the interpretation in some meaningful way. So, if you have something in the place where topics go, it will be interpreted as a topic. Things that are not in a topic position are not interpreted as topics. Same for foci, they need to be in a focus position in order to be interpreted as a focus. (And, indeed, for wh-words as well; in order to be interpreted as a wh-word, it needs to be where wh-words are expected to be.) So, Rizzi has set up a number of designated positions in the clause structure for each of these functions.

2. What’s weak crossover?

Some of you will have seen this before, and some of you will not have. The basic phenomenon of weak crossover is always illustrated by the following sentence:

*Who does his mother love?

The point about this sentence is that his cannot be coreferential with who. That is, it can’t mean “Whose mother loves him?” There’s no problem with such an interpretation in a sentence like “Who loves his mother?” so there is something to be explained. Although people haven’t really settled on a deep explanation for this, the problem appears to be that we are moving who over the position occupied by his. His is a bound pronoun in this situation, coindexed with who (in order to get the covarying interpretation), and a weak crossover violation refers to the situation where you move something over something it is coindexed with. (It’s called “weak” because it doesn’t always lead to crashingly horrible sentences, and also because not everybody finds them bad. There is also “strong crossover” which is worse: *Who does he love? on the interpretation “Who loves himself?” is an example. In the weak crossover cases, the coindexed pronoun does not directly c-command the trace of the movement, but in strong crossover cases, it does.)

This affects various kinds of movement. Not just wh-movement. Quantifiers, for example, seem to show a similar effect, even though they re not visibly moving.

*His mother loves every boy.

This is no good on the interpretation that “Every boy’s mother loves him” and the reason would seem to be that every boy needs to (covertly) move past his for interpretation. This serves as evidence that QR involves movement.

Similar facts can be observed about focus too.

*His mother loves JOHN (not Bill).

This can’t really mean “JOHN’s (not Bill’s) mother loves him.” This has often been taken as evidence that focus needs to move (covertly in English, but maybe visibly in Hungarian) as well. You can tell it has to move because if you put a coindexed pronoun in the way, the sentence is not good.

3. What’s an operator? (e.g., “wh-operator” or “relative operator” or “null operator”)

An “operator” is generally something that has some kind of quantificational meaning, but specifically here it is something that has to move as part of its interpretation. Quantifiers bind variables (which can be either the trace they leave behind when moving, or a pronoun). So, quantifiers like everyone are operators, wh-words are operators. In the formation of relative clauses, most people assume that there is a silent operator (the “null operator”), acting essentially like a wh-word. This is sometimes called “Op“. As in “the book [Op that I read t]”, where Op has moved like a wh-word would to the top of the [Op that I read t] clause.

4. What’s the difference between A and A-bar?

“A” here stands for “argument” and “A-bar” stands for “not an argument.” There is too much here to say, I think, but generally when you move an operator in order to bind its trace, that movement is A-bar movement. A movement is pretty much exclusively for movement for case or movement to subject position. A-bar movement (movement of an operator) is the kind of movement that seems to trigger weak crossover, among other things. A movement (for example, subject raising in “John seems to himself to be something of a genius” or “John is likely to seem to himself to be the best singer in the room”, where John moves from a lower subject position to a higher one) does not seem to trigger weak crossover.

The A/A-bar distinction is applied not only to movements but also to landing sites. There are places where A-movement can land, and those are A-positions, and places where A-bar-movement can land, and those are A-bar-positions. SpecCP is an A-bar position. SpecIP is generally an A-position.

Ok, that’s a little bit to get you started, in case you were running into a brick wall as you were reading this. If you have other questions, though, feel free to email them to me.

No office hours tomorrow Feb 18

Just to let people know, I’m not going to be able to make my office hours tomorrow. I’ll also be offline from mid-afternoon tomorrow until late tomorrow night. So, if you were thinking of stopping by tomorrow, it would be better to email me (or to stop by my office hours on Thursday). Back to the regular schedule next week.

Undergraduate conferences: McCCLU and CULC

Two undergraduate conferences coming up, one at McGill and one at Cornell. The deadline for abstracts for the McGill conference is very soon (Feb 9). Details below, but if you have something interesting you might want to present (and you are an undergraduate) then certainly consider this. I anticipate that there will also be an undergraduate conference at Harvard as well (there usually is), although no details have been announced about that yet as far as I know.

McGill’s Canadian Conference for Linguistics Undergraduates is still looking for abstract submissions from students who would like to present a 20-minute talk with a 10-minute question period on their research on topics related to linguistics.

McCCLU is also looking for students to participate in our poster session to be held during the conference. The poster session is open to all student research in linguistics. If you have written a paper or done interesting research in linguistics but don’t feel you could give a whole 20-minute talk on your topic, the poster session is for you. We will also consider posters presenting research that is still in its preliminary stages and may not have solid results by the beginning of March as long as the expected results are stated in the abstract for the poster.

Abstracts for both 20-minute talks and for posters should be a maximum of one-page in length and should be sent electronically to mccclu2009@gmail.com by February 9th, 2009. If you would like to just be considered for the poster session please indicate so in your e-mail.

If you do not wish to present your research but would still like to participate in McCCLU please join us! We will have professors Heather Goad and Bernhard Schwarz as our guest speakers and have lots of fun events planned throughout the weekend. Visit our website www.mccclu.com for more information. Online pre-registration will begin soon!

Thanks,
Kate McCurdy
McCCLU Coordinator
mccclu2009@gmail.com

and:

Call for Papers
for the 3rd annual Cornell Undergraduate Linguistics Colloquium
Cornell University, Ithaca, New York
April 4-5, 2009

UnderLings, the Cornell University undergraduate linguistics association,requests abstract submissions for the third annual Cornell Undergraduate Linguistics Colloquium. Student submissions at all levels are encouraged in a variety of subfields of linguistics, including but not limited to phonetics, phonology, syntax, historical linguistics, sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, and language acquisition. Applicants pursuing a B.A., B.S., or equivalent degree are invited to submit a one-page abstract for a talk of no more than twenty minutes in length or for a poster presentation at our poster session. Abstracts should be submitted to culc2009@gmail.com by Friday March 6th, 2009. Please indicate whether you would like to be considered for a talk or for the poster session or both. There is a high probability that the conference proceedings will be published afterward, most likely in an online, widely-accessible format.

More information about the colloquium and online pre-registration will be
available soon at http://conf.ling.cornell.edu/culc2009.

Please direct any questions to culc2009@gmail.com.

New room: PSY B49

The registrar has now assigned us to a new room: PSY B49.

This room is in the basement of the Psychology building on Cummington Ave., behind Warren Towers, approximately across from 111 Cummington. I’ve been there. This one exists.

See you Tuesday!